Riding home in a motorcar from the city center of Iquitos, in the Peruvian Amazon, there’s some new graffiti blooming along one of the main streets. It’s a fairly realistic stencil of the face of Paul McAuley, probably done from a photograph. There’s a red circle around his head, and vines flow from it. It’s a clear badge of grassroots support for a man whose life has gotten very interesting lately.
Brother Paul, as he is known here, has spent the last decade tirelessly working to further the rights of the indigenous in the rural jungles of the upper Amazon. As President of Red Ambiental Loretana (RAL), an environmental watchdog group, he has been for years at the front lines of the battle between oil and timber companies and environmental advocates to influence the fate of the Amazon rainforest and its inhabitants.
This “incendiary gringo priest,” according to the right-wing Peruvian press, is a lay brother of the De La Salle Christian Brothers, a very large and respected organization within the Church that is dedicated to education. The 62 year old British missionary, born to Irish parents and educated at Oxford, has spent twenty years in Peru promoting education and humanitarian causes. For his contributions to Peruvian education, he was made an MBE, Member of the Order of the British Empire, by the Queen of England
But on July 2nd of this year, the Peruvian government decided that he was no longer welcome. Paul received a letter from the Interior Ministry informing him that his residency had been cancelled, and he had seven days to leave. Brother Paul requested habeas corpus and appeared before a judge in a Loreto courtroom. The judge granted a temporary stay against expulsion, a decision that is now being challenged by a high court. Brother Paul’s court date is now pending, and will probably determine whether he stays or goes.
A July 19 letter of support sent to the Interior Ministry from a broad-reaching international group of academics, activists and policymakers stated in part that “we are deeply troubled that (McAuley’s) efforts to ensure due process for indigenous peoples, including free, prior and informed consent regarding resource extraction projects, could be construed as a basis for his expulsion from Peru.”
Now that his predicament has made international headlines, Paul and his supporters are reaping a windfall of free publicity. With the public support of the Roman Catholic Church, Amnesty International, Amazon Watch, and many other prominent policy and watchdog organizations, Brother Paul has become emblematic of the larger struggle for human rights and environmental protection in the Amazon.
McAuley’s situation has all the elements of high drama: a lone protagonist crusading against injustice, shadowy titans of industry pulling strings from corporate boardrooms in distant lands, and all the moral relativism you might expect from a government who seeks popular support from the people of the Amazon even as much of the wealth from its natural resources ends up elsewhere.
Why is this happening, and why now?
In recent years under President Alan Garcia, there’s been a literal and figurative gold rush happening in the Amazon. Enormous swaths of the rainforest have been leased by the government to various corporate interests on a larger scale than ever before. Those in on the deal stand to collect record profits. But land use policies have upset locals, and oil contamination has caused a number of casualties in indigenous communities. This tension between corporate profits and human rights has led to violent incidents at Bagua and Andoas, and similar episodes could easily erupt elsewhere as development continues in coming years.
The violent nature of these incidents has generated passionate debates throughout Peru. Where some see criminal behavior, others see groups of citizens out of options and fighting for justice. Lacking a sense of proper representation from their own government, they take matters into their own hands through protests and blockades.
McAuley’s work over the past decade has been dedicated to these disenfranchised groups. While he has great popular support among these communities, he has also generated a lot of criticism. To get another opinion, I spoke to Oscar Olavarría Saldaña, Director of La Región, the largest pro-Garcia daily newspaper in Iquitos.
“The problem is not with the natives, it is with the environmentalists,” Saldaña told me. “They come to Peru thinking that they know everything, and they try to come in and tell the indigenous what to do. Most of the natives are not educated people, they don’t have the intellectual understanding of these complex issues. If you tell them to fight and defend themselves, they are going to do it.”
It’s no secret that McAuley has made some powerful enemies through the years. He’s been called the Noam Chomsky of the Amazon. His erudition and understanding of complex social issues is on par with his grasp of the bureaucratic machinations of governmental institutions. His access to facts on the ground seems unparalleled, and comes from years of building relationships with many of the most remote tribes in the upper Amazon.
He began working with the youth of the upper Amazon while doing pastoral work in Iquitos. There he was introduced to the indigenous university students. He found them working in fairly poor conditions, and McAuley tried to arrange better living and study arrangements for them. They soon asked him to be their sponsor, and through these initial friendships he was introduced to their families and communities in the jungle. He has relationships with a whole catalogue of Amazon tribes. Some, like the Bora and Cocoma, are relatively close to Iquitos. Others are more remote, such as the Achuar, the Awahun, the Kandoshi, the Shawi, the Wampis, the Tikuna and Matses on the border with Brazil, and the Huitoto on the border with Columbia.
“I get lots of energy, being around these people, “McAuley says. “There’s an appreciation for traditional values, such as giving importance to the individual person and learning respect. They know how to live in the moment, without being influenced by wealth or social status or who you were with last week, nothing but the present moment. You’re there, I’m here, we’re in the hut and it’s raining out, and that’s all there is.”
McAuley says that, despite past conflicts, he is hopeful that a future of reconciliation between big industry and indigenous populations is possible.
“Prior consultation, true consultation, is the sticking point,” he says. “Not just arriving and telling people what’s going to happen. That’s not consultation, that’s information. Prior consultation is already required by international law, but it is not the practice here. It will empower the local people, the river dwellers and indigenous, to feel really responsible for their natural resources, and that national and international law will support them.”
Saldaña pointed out to me that the indigenous already receive money and healthcare from the oil companies, although he did not get into any specifics. In essence, he suggested that the progress of the greater good should not be impeded by the conflicting needs of small minorities.
“There’s only one solution,” he said. “How will we be living without the extraction of oil? The whole world runs on petroleum, it provides jobs and energy for Peru. If you leave our natural resources completely alone, for the benefit of the indigenous, it would be at the expense of everyone else.”
The Peru Free Trade Agreement put into law a few years back requires that the rights of multinational companies—primarily timber, oil, and minerals—must be protected. In several high-profile conflicts recently, this has meant using the reach of government power to protect the interests of corporations over the human rights of indigenous Peruvians.
McAuley cites as an example the case of Perenco, a British/French company that have gone to into an area on the Napo river recently. Two anthropologists, independently cited in an environmental impact report, recommended against any presence in the region, as there are still non-contacted indians there. That part of their report was taken out of the final environmental study before it was published.
(Note: the presence of non-contacted natives in this area is disputed. See Rory Carroll’s report for the Guardian here:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2009/jul/04/peru-amazon-rainforest-conservation )
“Natives in the area blocked the river with rope for ten days or so,” McAuley said. “The Perenco president went to go see Alan Garcia in the Presidential Palace, and the next day Garcia declared the lot to be of ‘national interest.’ Now that phrase opens all sorts of doors, in which you can use military and police action to protect the national interest.
“Two days later, a naval frigate with two smaller fast boats went up the river, broke the blockade and escorted the Perenco barges through. So you’ve got the irony of 500 years later, after the Spanish came down the Napo river, with no help from the Peruvians, you’ve now got a British/French company breaking through a barrier to go up the river, accompanied by the Peruvian Navy.
“Three or four weeks later, the company decided to launch a hospital boat,” McAuley continued. “They invited me to the launch, and I got hold of the French Ambassadress and I spoke to her in French. I said, ‘Madame, you understand that the way that Perenco entered into this area was very unfortunate. It was an invasion.’ And she smiled at me, and she said, ‘there are friendly invasions.’
“That just shows you the delicate side of diplomacy. You would expect your ambassadors to hold up certain values, respect for human rights and consultative processes and that sort of thing. But most diplomats, to a large extent, are there to further the aims of the national companies.”
The indigenous are at a disadvantage in this equation for many reasons. Geography impacts their treatment, as some areas are so isolated that it’s hard to know that some places exist at all. And other groups have decided that they don’t want any further contact with the outside world, and discourage visitors.
Basic health care is difficult to establish in remote areas, and in many places the petrol companies have filled in for the government. Brother Paul is quick to point out that not all companies working in the Amazon have a poor track record with the indigenous. Some are bending over backwards to repair relations with native communities. Some offer healthcare and give free transport to the community. One company created local jobs in this way, by giving eight fast boats to the community, and training locals to use them. Now they hire them to offer a transportation service back to the company.
That said, some of the same companies who provide employment and basic services for Indian communities were also killing them, slowly, over thirty years. Brother Paul says the official figure they received in 2005 was that 1,200,000 barrels of salty, contaminated wastewater was released into rivers of the upper Amazon, every day. The impact of 1.2 million barrels daily on three principal rivers–Rio Tigre, Rio Corrientes and Rio Pastaza—resulted in large numbers of indigenous casualties as well as areas of environmental devastation.
For his lobbying efforts on behalf of these indigenous populations, Brother Paul has come to be seen as a “foreign agitator” according to elements of the Peruvian government.
“What makes me angry is that a foreigner comes in, and he doesn’t have sufficient authority to provoke resentment in the native communities,” Saldoña told me. “Not even to speak to the legacy of the ancestors of these people.”
At times, Brother Paul has been described as an undesirable, even a white terrorist, whose activities incite unrest and threaten the progress of democracy. I asked Brother Paul to respond specifically to these accusations, and he offered a few examples to help set things in perspective.
“The day I received the letter informing me that my residency was revoked, I was schedule to meet with members of the regional government,” he said. “We’ve been working with them for two or three years on projects to protect the environment. So it’s difficult to understand why a regional government would work with an agitator. The judicial powers here last year founded an anti-corruption panel, and they asked me to be on it, as one of only five members. So, the judicial powers and formal government groups know who we are, and we work well with them. They are not going to work with so-called agitators.
“So what Lima understands as agitation, we understand as education. That means giving people information that they didn’t have before, that wakes them up to human rights and the conditions in which they really live and how they could be treated better.”
He went cited another incident from 2004, in which RAL was helping the community in Masan to put in an injunction against forestry concessions there, because environmental studies were never done and the concessions were thus illegal. (Concessions are the legal mechanism through which tracts of forest are claimed and approved for timber removal.) One injunction was accepted, and the other was rejected and went to the Constitutional high court in Lima where it was overturned and the court ordered the suspension of all major concessions.
“That sentence of the Constitutional court never been applied,” says Brother Paul. “President Garcia never signed the document. Let me give you yet another example. Agreement 169 of the international work organization, which gives indigenous people the right to be consulted prior to any new legislation that might affect them directly. That’s now been approved in the parliament, and it was a great victory. It came twenty years after Peru had signed it at an international level but never agreed to it at a congressional level. The agreed to it two months ago, but Alan Garcia has put a brake on it, and won’t sign it.
“So on the national and international level, there are two examples of undemocratic behavior, of a leader who won’t obey his own high court and parliament.”
* * *
What does the Catholic Church think about Brother Paul’s situation?
“I don’t really know,” he said. “They are supporting me publicly, which is wonderful. I have had calls from several bishops, who tell me privately that they support my cause and they think I am doing the right thing by fighting this. But I think the Church would like this situation to go away, if the truth were told.”
Brother Paul pulls out a copy of the Aparecida, the official declaration of the 5th conference of Latin American Bishops, held in 2007.
“The documents of the Latin American Catholic church are fairly radical, and it’s a side of the church that most people don’t know,” he said, and translated a passage: ‘We have to insist that in the interventions where natural resources are involved, the interest of economic groups don’t have the final power, these groups that rip out irrationally the sources of life in prejudice of whole nations and the entire humanity . . . In this process, the present economic model has an enormous responsibility since it gives privilege to the unlimited desire for wealth above the value of people and populations and respect for nature.’
“And here, this is where I’m going to defend myself,” he said, thumbing to another passage. “‘Look to alternative models of development that are integral, based on solidarity, based on an ethic that includes responsibility for true natural and human ecology, and that are based on a gospel of justice, solidarity and the universal destiny of creation.’
“How about that?” he smiled. “Creation is for everyone, it’s not for a limited group of people. And all the things that come out of it, be it wood or petrol or whatever, have to be for a common good. So the church’s theory is excellent. The church is very clear. It says here: ‘the church’s preferential option for the poor is one of the characteristics that marks the physiognomy of the Latin American church.’”
“The social order now is a disorder, the disorder of the jungle and the fight over its resources is desired by those in power. They want that disorder to continue, because that’s how they operate. So if the people want to organize a march or whatever, we’ve got to support them in pursuit of their rights. Between the poor and the powerful, you have to choose. There’s no sense being a member of a religious order, and being a part of a family that supposedly makes you free to take on risks, and then not take on the risks.”
Though he is a lay member of the La Salle Brothers, Brother Paul took the same vows of chastity and poverty that priests take. One of the reasons for the vows, he points out, has always been so that members are free to do the work of the church without fear of repercussions from the outside world.
“People who work in the municipal, regional or state government can’t talk, because if they talk, they lose their jobs and their family suffers. I can talk, because my food and lodging are taken care of. That’s what it comes down to at the end of the day.
He quotes again from the Aparecida. “’We’ve got to go towards creating the conditions . . . that are essential for a just social order.’ And that’s precisely what we are doing, and that brings you to a head-on collision with the status quo.
“I am hoping that in the public space I’ll be given in the court, I can have a head-on clash about the major issues. I don’t want to dwell on the minor questions. They are trying to limit my participation to religion, but if you have a philosophy of life, you’ve got a right to go from your principles to practice, and even an ethical obligation.”
According to Paul, no one really knows who is pulling the strings to have him removed, and only time will tell. But it’s clearly someone high up in the geopolitical food chain. The courage that Brother Paul has shown in openly challenging the powers that be, and consequently to make himself a lightning rod for his critics, has won him great respect among indigenous communities. He also has the full support of the La Salle order, even as the situation begins to reveal the complicated web of allegiances within the church itself. What happens when the Order’s activities differ from Rome’s agenda?
“As Catholics, ultimately, we owe obedience to the Church. But first obedience to our conscience. Because the church, at any one moment in history, is not necessarily right. History has shown that much.
“The structural church, because of the historical weight it carries, is totally mixed up in the power structure. And I feel like I’m being dragged two ways. As part of the official church, to keep things on a fairly safe level, and as part of the real work of the church, representing the poor and indigenous, for whom we’ve made a preference in our documents.
“Traditionally, those clashes have come on a personal level. Joan of Arc, for example, you let the person go up in smoke, but you don’t let the institution go up in smoke. You canonize them, and just keep going. You ritualize everything into domestication. You ritualize the life of Jesus without understanding what actually happening to him, and which is happening every day to someone else.
“Now circumstances have made me a symbol of this larger struggle for human rights. I don’t really like being a visible figure, but I have to continue, because I can’t turn my back on the people who are depending on me.”
While Paul has received his fair share of hate mail and even death threats, his heightened profile has succeeded in moving the conflict into more civilized corridors of debate.
In a moment of levity, Paul joked that, whoever ‘they’ are, they could have done away with him when they had a chance.
“They could have made it look like a robbery, put a bullet in my head and solved their problem,” he joked. “No one would have known the difference. But now that I’m in the news, it’s too late. They have to deal with it.”
So what’s the difference, I asked, between a terrorist and a freedom fighter?
He thought for a moment, and then replied, “Well it depends on who’s telling the story, doesn’t it?”
Update: Happily, Brother Paul remains in Peru to this day. The shadowy forces that tried to have him expelled remain anonymous, as do the Powers That Be that lobbied against them on his behalf. However the decision was reached, up there out of sight in the high corridors of power, we’re glad that Brother Paul is still here among us in Iquitos.